Tag Archives: TIF

Financing models are dead, long live financing models!

The 6th session of the APUDG which took place last Thursday 14 May at the Houses of Parliament, made clear that alternative financing arrangements such as ADZ have been given the thumbs up by business leaders, property developers and key public sector players. Accelerated Development Zones (ADZs), adapted from the US Tax Increment Financing (TIF) model are “well worth exploring” in such challenging times, highlighted Professor Michael Parkinson, head of the European Institute for Urban Affairs at LJMU[i].
Times have seldom been more challenging for financing regeneration; this inquiry aimed at analysing the regeneration financing environment and solutions to jump start regeneration and development.

Four key fundamentals for financing regeneration have been pointed out by Prof Parkinson: new money needs to be brought into the system, the flow of resources needs to be increased and regeneration projects need to attract new investors; greater expectations are put on public sector and we have to move our way towards a new investment culture, where public sector invests and takes the lead; financing regeneration is complex and technical, and needs simplification. Finally, masterplanning is going to be more and more important to prepare the work for developers and help them invest in places they know.

“The financing schemes which would have been valuable two years ago are not anymore”, confirmed property developers (Peter Vernon, Chief Executive of Grosvenor Britain and Ireland; Peter Miller, Chief Operating Officer at Westfield Centre). Existing financing models (such as Section 106, Local Asset Backed Vehicles, and the proposed Community Infrastructure Levy) work far better in the good times than in the bad.

With this context and those fundamentals in mind, the new financial tool ADZ would help getting investors back in by sharing the risks of development with the public sector. The public sector, in stepping in financing regeneration, would offer value for money to projects, underlined Ray Mills, (partner, regional development group Pricewaterhouse Coopers). ADZs would help reduce the burden for the private sector by securing the finance, and would give the public sector the strength to negotiate with the private. For the developers, it is a “win-win” situation where nobody loses, where the money spent gets back, generating income that can be invested to create new infrastructures.

For the public sector however remains the question of timescale and risks taking. What type of guarantee do the local authorities have that the private sector will step in and deliver investment that increases local tax streams? Even if TIF attracts private sector investment, the revenue predicted will not likely be realised for several years. Such financing schemes require a long term commitment from the private and the public sector and are what has been called for by Prof Parkinson in his report. The risks to the public sector purse require that ADZ schemes are accompanied by a strong risk-analysis. Local authorities have to be very clear about what the public benefits are going to be in this investment, insisted Chris Brown, chief executive of Igloo Regeneration Fund. To gain full benefit from TIF schemes, new skills such as financial awareness, risk and change management are needed more than ever amongst public sector leaders.

[i] Parkinson, M et al (2009) The Credit Crunch and Regeneration: Impact and Implications London: Communities & Local Government (the full report can be found at www.communities.gov.uk/publications/citiesandregions/creditcrunchregeneration).

Written by Claire Cunin, Renaisi Graduate Consultant

Financing Regeneration – A comparison with France

Faced with the challenges of narrowing gaps between deprived areas and the rest of the country and the huge financial resources needed to undertake urban regeneration projects, finding innovative tools for financing regeneration projects has always been a concern for governments.

The US-style funding mechanism called Tax Increment Financing (TIF) that is being examined by Whitehall may be an appropriate tool: it allows local and regional authorities to fund infrastructure projects by borrowing against the future tax revenues that the public works project is expected to create.

A TIF does indeed offer a wide range of advantages for the partners involved, local authorities, private investors and property owners. It is however being criticized for its limits in attracting investment in the poorest and most in needs areas and for the risk of pricing out residents due to the rise in prices and property taxes that it involves.

A similar funding system exists in France to remedy the absence of private initiative investment. Public investors such as the Caisse des Depots et des Consignations (public bank), or Industrial and Commercial Public Establishments develop financial packages to implement infrastructure projects, resulting in a significant amount of financial leverage and launching private investment in most deprived areas.

Such money is likely to be spent on infrastructure investments that are most likely to encourage greater private sector investment, and focuses in France on shopping center reconstruction, damaged co-ownership buildings, and hospitals settlements.

In France, this system has been integrated in a wider funding policy since 2002.

Faced with the complexity and the fragmentation of funding tools, and with the limitations apparent in the programmes implemented over the past 20 years, the French government has been led to implement a new co-financing process forming a one-stop funding centre. The Agence Nationale de Rénovation Urbaine (ANRU) – comparable in a way to the new Homes and Communities Agency – has been created to process files and allocate subsidies; it follows two main principles: fungibility and coordinated delivery. Fungiblity means that the subsidies coming from various sources (state, Caisse des Dépôts et Consignation, private sector and social partners) are used freely, without any relation to where they come from. Coordinated delivery implies that those credits are consistently invested in local projects.

This pooling of credits represents a simplified framework for regeneration projects, and a better joining up of regeneration and economic activity. But above all, it seeks to involve the local actors of urban regeneration. The funds are indeed allocated following a strategic application process, during which the need of the project and the backing-up of the local authority are evaluated, with one of the most important requirements being the political momentum by elected members. There may be disadvantages, but the new agency has the benefits of securing the local anchorage of a project and the involvement of local partners, and this could represent an example of best practice the HCA could look at.

Written by Claire Cunin, Renaisi Graduate Consultant

Darling, I think you’re doing it wrong

The Budget included several measures to improve regeneration and said yes to property sectors push for Tax Increment Financing. TIF’s, as they are called in the US, are public financing instruments that are widely used in the US to raise revenue for infrastructure, affordable housing, economic and community development, and environmental clean up. It has been pushed in the UK for some time by local government. Most notably the London Borough of Barnet, which has been pushing the Treasury since 2007 to raise revenue for its infrastructure development plans through tax increment financing instruments.

So what is it?
Tax increment financing is a mechanism that allows local governments to borrow against anticipated increases in tax revenue. It is usually structured as a municipal bond, which is sold to investors who are paid back from tax revenue. In the US, the investors also receive a tax exemption for the interest they receive.

Is it good for regeneration in the UK?
There are many characteristics of TIF that makes it an attractive model for the UK. First, TIF models give local government an opportunity to raise revenue for regeneration independently. Councils has been severely limited in their ability, since the Thatcher era, to raise revenue for infrastructure and housing because of a deep rooted culture of distrust in their ability to be credit wise borrowers.

Secondly, the TIF model means that local governments can raise capital without raising taxes. This assumption relies on increases in tax revenue due to growth and investment. So what happens if the movers and shakers with the money bags don’t produce? Or what if you are in an area that experienced stagnant growth even before the recession? Which leads to the next question- Does the TIF model really provide a mechanism for really tackling regeneration? As the Regeneration Framework acknowledged last autumn, regeneration and economic development are not the same and the evidence from the last 30 years demonstrates that despite strong national and regional growth there has been an increasing gap between wealthy and poor areas since 2001. Well before we entered the economic crisis, there lacked a real redistribution mechanism that delivered wider economic benefit and inclusion. And now more than before, there is a need for a regeneration model that addresses the widening gap between wealthy and poor areas.

Will this further regeneration in the recession and after?
TIF is unlikely to provide a real boost of investment to the poorest most needing areas during the recession and recovery. The reliance on growth to secure bonds means that only areas that are most likely to provide quick and reliable growth will be targeted for TIF style financing. Put in another way, TIF is likely to be launched successfully in areas that would have been invested in without government backing in a better market, not the most difficult to transform or economically stagnant areas. TIF’s weakness as a model to finance regeneration is reflected in Section 106 and the yet to be launched Community Infrastructure Levy, which relies on property uplift to incur community benefit. By attaching revenue and benefit to expected growth, investment will only occur in areas that are most likely to be successful.

We need a model for recruiting capital for regeneration and housing that is not connected to local property growth. There is a need for a real redistribution mechanism. The Community Infrastructure Levy, which has been postponed till April 2010, was seeking to do this in part by allocating a portion of the revenue raised to regional and central government for large scale infrastructure projects that would have wider social benefit.

A real redistribution mechanism
The changed economic environment is unlikely for quite a few years to be earmarked by high speculative development and growth that characterised the pre-recession market and in turn fuels tax increment financing, Section 106 and CIL type models.

Investment for regeneration needs to be detached from raising capital for economic development. A simple means of more effectively redistributing revenue would be to pool Section 106 benefits and allowing them to be redistributed more widely throughout a local area or over an extended period of time. This would allow Section 106 revenue to be shifted to poor areas and saved for use on a rainy day.

TIF is a noble effort. There is a need for new locally controlled financing mechanisms, but growth based models will unlikely provide the capital for low investment areas during a period of no growth. Maybe it is time to look at the tax system- particularly tax relief as a way to raise revenue for local areas. The tax increases proposed provide an opportunity to push for tax relief models to finance regeneration.

Community Investment Tax Relief (CITR)
CITR is a finance model where individuals and corporate bodies invest in accredited Community Development Finance Institutions which in turn provide finance for qualifying businesses, social enterprises and community projects. This model is already in place in the UK and would only require raising the incentives and take up. This allows for regeneration to take place from the ground up where local businesses, organisations, and people are financed to drive forward growth.

US Style Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC)
LIHTC is a dollar for dollar sale of tax relief that individuals and investors purchase and in turn raises capital for affordable housing. Through the sale of tax credits enough capital is raised to lower the amount of debt taken on by housing providers and the cost savings are passed on to home owners. The tax credits are allocated to state and local governments who manage and distribute the credits to assist affordable housing builders.

It is without a doubt that the next few years will require an economic rebuilding effort near or equivalent to that of the post war era. There are real opportunities to address the widening gap between wealthy and poor areas that has characterised the last eight years. And when we finally emerge on the other side, we will have equipped local government and local people with the financial tools to regenerate their areas.

Written by Dekonti Mends-Cole, Rensaisi Senior Consultant